PLATO
RATIONALISTIC DUALISM
Like his
teacher Socrates, Plato was born in Athens of a distinguished family. Socrates' death affected him greatly. He spent some time abroad and he was for a
while in Syracuse at the court of the tyrant Dionysius, but most of Plato's
life was devoted to the famous academy he had founded in Athens in 386 and
which attracted students from far and wide. His Academy lectures have not survived, but we have instead the
dialogues, which were perhaps intended for a wider readership. Plato's philosophy cannot be seen as a
complete or consistent system. Throughout his life he himself constantly subjected his concepts and
arguments to sustained critical analysis in an attempt to resolve
'perplexities' (aporiai), and this
often gave rise to what appear as inconsistencies within or between the various
dialogues. There is also a problem
concerning the Socratic content of the early dialogues, but it is now generally accepted that the
middle of the Meno marks the
emergence of Plato's own original philosophical views.
[Sources: Quotations are taken from a variety of
texts, but page numbers are those given in the standard Stephanus edition of
Plato's works which most editions now follow.]
METAPHYSICS
[1] [gen. 1-3] The doctrine of the Forms. Socrates had sought to discover universal
'definitions' or 'essences'. Plato went further than Socrates in three important
respects. (l) He developed the Socratic method of enquiry (into
universal 'definitions' or 'essences') to make use of a process of 'division' [see sec. 3 below and also his discussion of 'dialectic' in Republic 533-534] [a]. (2)
He did not confine his investigations to ethical concepts such as goodness and
justice. (3) He tried to discover the
nature or status of these essences, which he calls Forms (eide) or Ideas (ideai). This is a central concern of his metaphysics. However, he did not have a settled view as to what concepts actually
have Forms. In parts of his Republic he holds that Forms are the entities that are
signified by general concepts (often but controversially equated with
'universals') [b]. Suppose we say of a number of different
things (for example, a painting, a woman, the countryside) that they are all
beautiful. Plato said that there must be
something they have in common which makes them beautiful. This is the general concept; and this designates the Form of Beauty. It would seem that there must be Forms
corresponding to all common terms bed, red, round, and so on [Republic 596]. In the Timaeus [51] he said that there are Forms of natural objects such as the four
traditional elements earth, air, fire, and water; and he probably also
believed that there were Forms for natural organisms such as man and dog. However, in Parmenides [l30a-e] he expressed doubts as to whether there are
Forms corresponding to dirt, mud, and hair. Elsewhere in the Republic [523-4] a more subtle account is to be found. Plato considered the example of our perception of three of fingers. Regardless of any differences in colour or
size, each is seen to be a finger. But
the second finger may be said to be both large and small large in relation to
the little finger, but small in comparison with the third finger. Our judgement of this, Plato argued, cannot
be one of the senses alone: the
intellect must also be involved. Thus we
come to make a distinction between the intelligible and the visible. The Forms or essences are now understood to be real intelligible
objects, known by the intellect, and are complete, perfect, whole, unchanging n
and prior to the mutable, that is, ever-changing, imperfect, particular, 'sensible' objects apprehended through sight, touch, and so on [c][c]. So we may admit Forms of largeness, equality, as well as beauty, justice, and good [c]; whereas such qualities as redness, sweetness, which are merely perceptible, do not have any corresponding
Forms. Plato seems also to have admitted Forms of mathematical
concepts [d] such as triangularity and roundness,
which he regarded as in some sense intermediate between the Forms themselves
and physical objects. Beyond referring
to Plato's Forms as intelligible essences, which are alleged to 'exist' of
themselves eternally, independent of physical objects, it is difficult to say
anything about them. By 'independent' is meant that they do not require
individual sense objects for their existence.
[2] The relationship of the plurality of
individual sensible things to the Forms. It is clear that Plato believed particular things depend on the Forms or 'essences' for their existence (and thereby have a partial reality); Forms are thus both 'final' and 'formal' causes
of things [a][a]. Whether the Forms are literally separate from or 'outside' things (the so-called chorismos) [a] is, however, a much-disputed question and one which he
himself was particularly concerned
with. A sensible thing is made that particular in so far as its
matter 'individuates' the general Form [b][b]. But how do particular material things, which are in space and time
and are undergoing constant change, relate to the eternal immutable Forms? Can the chorismos be overcome? He often talked of
things as 'sharing',
participation in, or 'partaking of' the Forms, or as 'imitating' or resembling
them [c] [Phaedo l00, Republic 476, Parmenides l30-33] the Forms being
'paradigms', that is, eternal patterns [c]. However, he was unhappy
about this account, and in the Parmenides he examines dialectically [d] a number of difficulties [d]. Of particular interest is the
objection Aristotle later dubbed the 'Third Man' argument [see Parm. l3le-2b, l32d-3a; and Aristotle, Metaphys. 990b]. If we consider a Form (say, Man) and a
particular instance (say Socrates), then it would seem that the Form and the
individual must have something in common, namely a (third) 'Man'. Does this not lead to an infinite
regress? It has been argued that for
this objection to be sustained there must be an implicit assumption of
self-predication that the Forms themselves have properties. Thus the Form of Beauty might be said to be
beautiful. It is not certain that Plato
himself was committed to this assumption.
[3] Plato argued [Republic 502-9] that the Forms are
not isolated but are connected by virtue of their common origin in the Form of
the One [a]. It is clear also from his discussions
in the Sophist that the Forms make up a hierarchy [a]. The One, which is, as it were, the Form of all
Forms, takes into itself five special Forms: the greatest 'Kinds' (Beauty, Sameness, Difference, Rest, and
Motion). These in turn comprehend all
other (and hence 'lower') Forms, such as animal, and then man. But how are we to understand the relationship
between the Forms and the One and between each other? A foundation for a possible explanation is
implicit in Plato's discussion
of definition [Sophist 22l-37]. He showed that to achieve the definition of a term we must follow a
dialectic process of analysis or division (diairesis) [b], whereby the term to be defined is
brought under a wider class or 'genus', other members of the class being
distinguished by their possession of appropriate 'differences'. The Form of Man, for example, is the 'lowest
species' (atomon eidos) because it
cannot be subdivided any further; and it is therefore closest to the individual
men immediately below it who belong to the sensible world. Likewise the One and the Many can be reconciled without having to
regard sensible things as illusory [c]. Thus
the Form Animal is a 'many' in so far as it contains specific Forms of Cat,
Fish, Man, and so on. At the same time,
as a genus or general class the 'many' is a 'one'. Plato also thought of the Forms themselves as
'blending' with each other. Thus when we
say 'A fish is an animal' we mean the Form Fish 'blends' with the Form
Animal. However, he argues that not all
'kinds' blend. Motion, for example, can
partake of Sameness and Difference (it
is the same as itself but different from other kinds), and can blend with
Existence: but it does not partake of
Rest; the two kinds are mutually exclusive. (It should be noted that in the course of his discussion in Sophist [251-59] Plato would seem to
have been feeling his way towards recognising that 'is' or 'exists' [estin] can be used differently in statements of identity and
statements of predication or attribution) [d].
PHILOSOPHY OF NATURE/ COSMOLOGY
[4] Plato's philosophy of Nature is grounded
in his metaphysics. In so far as the One, the Form
of Being, is coeternal with and the
ultimate unifying and explanatory principle of the Forms, it explains the order
found in the world of natural objects [a]. In the Republic the One is tacitly identified with the Absolute Good; while in The Laws [Bk X] he thinks of it as the "best soul" (ariste
psuche) [a]. Plato compared
it to the sun, which illuminates natural objects so that they can be seen to
exist and to have value [Rep. 507-9]. The Good, he said, is the controlling source
of truth and intelligence [507], and of the intelligibility of the objects of
knowledge, their being and reality; "yet it is not itself that reality, but
beyond it, and superior to it in dignity and power" [509]. In the Symposium [2l0-l2] Plato makes Socrates talk of an individual's ascent from sensual love (the gift of the
'daimon' Eros) of beautiful things to physical beauty in general, love of the
beauty of the soul, moral beauty, intellectual beauty of the sciences, finally
to achieve a vision and love for the Absolute Form of Beauty [b][b]. Thus
it would seem that for Plato Absolute
Beauty and Absolute Good are equivalent and interchangeable manifestations of
the One [c].
[5] [gen. 5] Cosmology: the origin of the world. Plato nowhere suggests that the physical universe was created out of
nothing. In the Timaeus [28-30] he supposed that it emerged from an eternal
pre-existent material, or 'necessity' (ananke ) [a] (it may be thought of as the 'material cause' of things) [a] through the 'formative' agency of what he calls the Demiurge. What he means by this and its relationship to
the One is not entirely clear. He wrote
of God as "the
maker and father of this universe" [Timaeus 28] the prime
('efficient') cause of that which comes into being or changes; and in
the Republic he referred to God as a
craftsman of "all [real] things in
Nature" [597]. (And this did not exclude
the plurality of gods accepted in popular Greek religion.) And in general he seems to have thought of the Demiurge as the principle of
Intelligence or Reason in the Divine
or One not a material principle [b], and indeed
probably as a symbol rather than as an actually existent pre-cosmic being. Plato supposed that prior to the production of the universe there
existed eternally four factors: primeval
matter, the World-Soul the
"Receptacle, or Space, of all Becoming" [Timaeus 49], and
a "Living being", that is, a world of Forms not yet incorporated in Nature [c]. The primeval matter appears in the Receptacle spontaneously and yet by
necessity as the four
primary qualities, earth, air, fire,
and water, in a state of disorder,
undergoing constant change [c]. The Demiurge, as 'efficient' cause [d], conceiving order to be better than disorder, 'took over' the material qualities and organized,
patterned or 'formed' them in accordance with the eternal 'living being' of
Forms, firstly into two-dimensional surfaces, and then into the many three-dimensional bodies
perceptible by the senses [d]. The partially real sensory world of becoming and multiplicity is temporal,
time for Plato being what he called "an
eternal moving image of . . . eternity", that is, of the One [ibid. 37] [e]. The World-Soul, from which
individual souls are also created by the Demiurge, was supposed by Plato
to be a composite of
Existence, Sameness, and Difference, but intermediate between the Being of the
Forms and the Becoming of the world of sense and made out of the same original
materials [ibid. 32-7, 42-4,
69] [f]. In effect, therefore, the account
offered in the Timaeus may be thought
of as an early version of the
cosmological argument for God's existence [g].
KNOWLEDGE
[6] [gen. 6-7] Knowledge and belief. Plato argued [Republic V, 477/8] that corresponding to natural objects
and Forms there are two 'states' of mind. Only that state which relates to the Forms can be said to be knowledge in a strict sense [a] because knowledge must be of what 'is',
what is 'real'; and the Forms 'are', in the sense of being ultimate
unchangeable essences. Conversely, what
'is not', that is, things which have no kind of being or existence, cannot be
objects of knowledge. Our state of mind
in such cases is therefore ignorance. What then are we to say of our relationship to the changing objects of
Nature, which we perceive through our senses? Such things, said Plato, both 'are' and 'are not'. The finger, for example, is both large and
not large: it participates in contrary
Forms, but it is not itself a Form. Clearly our
perception of these sensible objects (which he understands as involving interference of 'motions' of the body, or 'effluences', with motions of the outside world [Meno 76c, Theaetetus, l53e] ) does not constitute ignorance, yet we cannot be said to know them [b]. Plato called this intermediate state belief. He also
supposed that mathematical concepts lie somewhere between belief and
knowledge. The various levels of knowledge and belief and their
corresponding objects are set out in Plato's 'Divided Line' [Repub. 509-ll] [b].
Knowledge (episteme) is exhibited
firstly by intelligence or pure thought (noesis)
and then in the secondary sense as mathematical reasoning (dianoia), the respective objects being the pure Forms and
mathematical ideas. Under the heading of
belief (doxa) Plato listed opinion (pistis) and illusion (eikasia), corresponding to which are
physical things and copies of them. The
Line therefore illustrates clearly Plato's view that there is a progression
from illusion to pure thought, an ascent from the less to the fully real.
[7] A different view of knowledge and
belief is also to be found in the Republic [Book X] (and the earlier Meno [97-8]). Whereas in Book V he started from knowledge
and tried to account for belief, in Book X his starting point is true
belief. In effect his position now is
that knowledge is
justified true belief [a]. Justification may be grounded either in
second-hand reports or on one's own acquaintance with the facts. Plato gives an analogy. The maker of a flute has a great deal of
information about the instrument, but only the flute player has direct
experience of the workings of flutes and thus only he can give a complete and
proper 'account' of how they work and what can be done with them. This constitutes knowledge, doxa now being true belief based on a
second-hand account. A more detailed
examination of the problem of knowledge is presented in the later dialogue, Theaetetus [l5l-2l0]. Plato firstly rejects the view that knowledge is sense-perception [b], on the grounds that it must be of an
object of some kind and be infallible, and because it must involve a process of
thought (as when we compare different things with each other) [cf. Republic, 523-4]. He then argues that knowledge cannot be true judgement [c], mainly because
he thinks that some judgements may be true without a person knowing it to
be. Lastly he looks at a third view, that true belief
could be converted into knowledge by the addition of an explanation or account
(logos) [d]. This is similar to the view in the Republic, Book X, but now he suggests
there are difficulties in understanding what the giving of an account actually
means or involves; and he ends on a negative note, suggesting that knowledge
can only be of the eternal Forms, belief being of sensory objects. In the Sophist [2l9 ff.] he suggests that we come to have knowledge
through a process of definition by genus and difference whereby a particular is brought under a class-concept [e]. Knowledge then consists in the intellectual
apprehension of such concepts (and hence real Forms) [e][e]. So it looks as if in these various dialogues
Plato has two different views of knowledge: (a) it is a different faculty from belief and has different objects [Republic, Book V, and Theaetetus]; and (b) it has the same
objects but differs in that our acquaintance with these objects is accompanied
by an intellectual process of 'proof' or explanation [Republic, Book X]. In the
much later Timaeus [51] he argues
that knowledge (nous) and true
opinion are indeed different, in nature and in origin:
One is produced by teaching, the other by
persuasion; one always involves truth and rational argument, the other is
irrational; one cannot be moved by persuasion, the other can; true opinion is a
faculty shared, it must be admitted by all men, intelligence by the gods and
only a small number of men.
In the Sophist [262 ff.] Plato also provides a solution to the problem of false judgement [f], which he had attempted to deal with in
the Theaetetus. Suppose we say (truly) 'Theaetetus is
sitting' and (falsely) 'Theaetetus is flying'. Both statements are meaningful; they are about
the individual Theaetetus and the Forms Sitting and Flying. To say it is false that he is flying, that
is, 'Theaetetus is not flying', is not to say that he is 'not-being', that is,
to deny that he exists. The false belief
consists in attributing to an individual some quality other than the one he
actually possesses. In terms of Forms we
can say that the Sitting, in which Theaetetus actually 'participates', does not
blend with the form Flying which is different from the Form Sitting.
[8] [gen.
8] The
origin of knowledge. How is knowledge
acquired? Indeed how is it
possible? Plato has said that it is the
mind that judges that sensible objects must be concrete instances of the
Forms. So where does the mind get that
knowledge from? Clearly it is not from
the senses themselves, for
perception gives only doxa [a]. In the Phaedo [72-6] Plato argued that we
must have had knowledge of the Forms before we had any sense experience, that
is, before we were born. We could not have got
knowledge from their sensible instances, because they "fall short of the
Forms". A difficulty with this is raised
in the Meno [80-6]. To acquire an understanding of a given Form
we need to find the 'account' which would transform true belief into
knowledge. But if we do not already have
knowledge of that Form, how could we recognise the account as being the true
one? If we do have the knowledge, then
we do not need to acquire it. To deal
with this objection Plato gets Socrates, his speaker in the dialogue, to show
how an uneducated slave boy can apparently discover a geometrical truth for
himself; and he argues that as Socrates had not taught it to the boy he must
have known it before birth, had forgotten it when the soul became embodied, but
now had been prompted by skilful questioning to recollect it. In the Republic [52l-4l] Plato said that perceptual
experience may help us to recall something of this 'innate'
knowledge [a], but to gain full knowledge of
the Forms requires a long and arduous training in mathematics and
philosophy. The ultimate aim is of course intellectual
knowledge of the Good (as a
manifestation of the One) [b]. He compared this achievement to a
kind of 'vision
through 'illumination' by the Sun [b] — as illustrated in the simile of the Cave [5l4-2l]. Prisoners tied down in a cave with the fire
behind them can see only the shadows on the wall in front of them. If one of them were released and turned
round, he would be dazzled by the fire and would not see the cave he would be
temporarily blinded by the intense brightness of the Sun. But on regaining his vision he would be able
to discern the full reality of the world outside; and it would then be his
responsibility to 'enlighten' the prisoners still sitting in the dark cave to
"turn their minds around".
PSYCHOLOGY/ PHILOSOPHY OF MIND
[9] [gen. 9-10] The nature of the soul. Plato believed that the material body was 'occupied' by an
independent spiritual entity the soul (psuche)
(though in the Timaeus he seems to
hold the view that it was created out of the World-Soul which was itself
composed of the same fundamental material 'qualities' as the body of the world
— see 5f). In the Phaedo [64-7] he regards the soul
as the reasoning faculty or intellect, by means of which we can have knowledge
of the Forms, [102-7] and
that which gives life and activity to the body [a]. It can survive death and can pass from one body to another [b]. Indeed it is one's "true
self". He even seems to equate it with
the individual person [115]. Yet, in the Republic [Book IV] he thinks of the soul as having three
'functions' or 'aspects' [c]: not only can it be motivated by reason but also
it can act from emotion, or as a result of bodily desires. This emotional aspect which is sometimes called the 'spirited'
element is in fact central to Plato's analysis of psychological conflict; for
its role in the mental and moral life of the individual is to give support to the
controlling rational element in the face of the demands of the appetite [d]. It is only in cases of bad upbringing that, through
'weakness of will', it gives in to the desires and fails to assist the reason [d]. In the Phaedrus [246] he gives the analogy of a charioteer (the rational
element) trying to control two horses, one good (the spirited aspect), the
other bad (the appetites). The former is
obedient to the charioteer's instructions, but the latter's passion has to be
restrained.
These views of the soul give rise to two
problems. (l) Is the soul a single unit,
or is it composite? (2) What, if
anything, actually survives death? Is it
the 'reason' alone? Plato seems aware of
these issues; and although he did not offer any kind of explanation his general
position may be summarized as follows. Reason, as the intellectual
principle, is the central feature of the soul, and it is this which survives
the body's death. But when it becomes
'embodied' it is, as it were, dragged down and becomes less pure, so
that it appears to acquire other aspects such as feelings and desires. It is thus distorted through being coupled
with a material body and remote from the 'light', as it were. The practice of philosophy
therefore should have as its primary aim 'purification' the separation
from the soul from the bonds of the body [Phaedo 67c] [e].
[10] [gen. 10] Plato's proofs for the soul's
immortality or at least for its pre-embodied existence are found
mainly in the Phaedo. (l) [70-2] Being alive and being dead are
opposites. The one state must therefore have come from the other. (2) [72-7] He develops the argument from
recollection discussed in the Meno. (3) [78-84] The soul is supposed to have an
affinity for the eternal (for example, the unchanging Forms) and therefore must
itself be eternal. (4) [l02-7] The soul,
being alive, by its nature cannot admit death; neither can it perish; therefore
it can never die. Thus the soul cannot
be a 'state of attunement' between the physical elements of the body a theory
proposed by one of his disputants [85-6] and an anticipation of epiphenomenalism
(consciousness regarded as a by-product of the brain's material
'make-up'). (5) In the Phaedrus [246] he suggests the soul is a
'self-mover' and must therefore be immortal. (6) Finally, in the Republic [608-ll] he argues that the soul cannot be destroyed by its 'proper evil',
namely vice and so must survive the body's death.
ETHICS
IDEALISTIC TELEOLOGY
[11] Plato's discussion in the Meno of knowledge as
recollection seemed to lead to the conclusion that knowledge could not be
taught, and he left it an open question whether Socrates was correct in
thinking of virtue as a
type of knowledge. But with his
introduction of the Forms in the Phaedo he came to that view in
his metaphysics and psychology [a]. In the Republic [Bk IV, 428ff] he develops his theory of the cardinal virtues as related to the 'trifunctional' soul [b]. Corresponding to the rational aspect is the virtue of wisdom; fortitude
corresponds to the 'spirited' aspect; while temperance consists in the moderation or balanced control of the appetites or desires by the
reason, aided by 'spirit' [b] which may
perhaps here be termed 'moral energy'. Each of these virtues, however, is to be regarded as a manifestation of
the whole personality. If each aspect of
the soul is doing its proper 'job', then the soul is further said to be
just: justice is the fourth and all-embracing
cardinal virtue [c]. A man is just or virtuous in so far as he directs his actions towards
the realization of what is his specific human good, that is, his rationality [d]. Plato takes this good to
be the development of his personality as a rational being. Human good must reflect the universal Good,
so he argues that actions
are good to the extent that they show or point to the objective Form of the
Good [e]. A life of virtue, in which one knows the Good [f] and acts justly, will lead to
happiness (eudaimonia) [f] 'well-being'
is perhaps a better translation. But Plato makes it clear
[Republic 576-92; see also Philebus] that by happiness he is thinking neither of the pleasure we
associate with sensual satisfaction (food, drink, sex), nor of ambition or
honour, which the soul seeks in its 'spirited' aspect. It is only the pleasure which derives from the
proper operation of the rational aspect, in controlling the desires and achieving knowledge of the Good, that may be said to constitute genuine
well-being and the good life [g][g].
[12] Justice. Given this approach
to ethics, we can understand why Plato was critical of 'conventionalist' and relativist theories of
justice [a][a]. In
the Republic [327-67; cf. Gorgias 453 ff.] Plato (speaking through
Socrates) rejects the suggestion that doing right is simply being truthful and,
say, returning what one has borrowed, on the grounds that one would not return
a weapon to a madman. Neither can justice consist in giving
everyone what is appropriate, that is, doing good to a friend but harming an
enemy. Plato's arguments are involved,
but his main point is that to do harm to an enemy would actually make him worse
and that to act in this way would be contrary to the function of a good
man. Moreover, if we were mistaken about
the 'enemy', we could well be causing harm to someone who is really good. A second theory of justice, in effect that
might is right justice is in the interest of the stronger class or ruler is
also considered and rejected. Plato
argues that unless a ruler is genuinely concerned with the welfare of his
subjects he cannot really be a ruler in any strict sense. In reply it is then suggested that in practice
so-called 'injustice' actually pays. It
is a fact of social and political life in the Greek states that the simple and
'just' people promote the happiness of their masters. Other participants in the discussion propose
a kind of social contract theory to define conventional justice of the 'common
herd' as being a compromise between doing wrong and avoiding punishment and
suffering wrong without any redress. However, Plato tries to show that these approaches to justice lead to
contradictions. Furthermore, a man has
to be just if his mind or soul is to perform its proper functions; and it is
this which guarantees the good life and happiness. In the final sections of the Republic [6l2-6] Plato argues that while virtue is indeed its own reward, even if a good
person does not receive any direct benefit from society in his own lifetime he
will be rewarded by the gods in the next world. This claim presupposes the soul's immortality . He sets out his beliefs in his 'Myth of Er',
the story of a brave man killed in battle who is commanded by the Judges of the
dead to observe the fate of other souls and then to return to Earth as a
messenger.
[13] An important issue
that arises from Plato's account of virtue or justice is that of weakness of will (akrasia) [a].
He has supposed that if an
individual in a given situation knows what is good and therefore how he ought
to act he will perform the right action. Yet it is a matter of common experience that people do not do the right
thing. How is this possible? Socrates had said that nobody does wrong
willingly [Meno 77 ff; cf. Protagoras 35l-8]. Plato's general answer is that in such cases one's reason is
temporarily obscured (one is 'unenlightened', as it were) by the sensual
activities of the soul, dragged down by the body, and the 'willing' or
'spirited' aspect does not provide the support necessary to overcome the
appetites. Otherwise evil must be due to
ignorance [a].
POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
[14] [gen.
14] The ideal state. For Plato, as for other Greeks of his own day, the 'good life' is realizable
only in society, that is, the polis or city-state. The ideal state,
according to Plato, is the genuinely just state. A detailed plan for such a state is to be
found in the Republic; and indeed it
is through his analysis of the concept of justice as operating in the larger
entity of the state that Plato seeks to understand what justice is in the
individual a requirement of his ethics.
A primitive society, Plato says [369-75]
is composed of a working class consisting of a small number of individuals each
of whom has a skill to offer farming, building, and the like. A civilized society will contain still
further kinds of workers, such as artists, cooks, doctors, poets. A second class, the 'Auxiliaries', will then
be required to protect the community from attack by other states. The ideal society will, moreover, need to be
governed; this will be the function of the third and highest class the Rulers
or Guardians. Plato now relates the four cardinal virtues to these
classes [42l-44] [a]. Wisdom is shown by the Rulers in exercising
their skill on behalf of the city as a whole. Courage is the virtue associated with the Auxiliaries when they fight
with spirit. Temperance (or discipline)
is diffused through the whole state. It
is a kind of harmony shown when the workers and Auxiliaries are obedient to the
wise Rulers. The state is said to be
just when each member, of whatever class, is doing the job properly for which
she or he is most suited. Justice in the 'trifunctional'
individual soul can then be understood by analogy with the three classes of the
ideal state [b].
Many of Plato's proposals [see 376-427,
449-466, 5l4-54l] are radical and controversial. He intended that women should participate
fully in the work of society and, if qualified, become Rulers. On the other hand, he said that Rulers should
not be permitted to marry; instead there should be 'mating festivals' for
suitable couples to ensure the production of the 'best stock'. Children resulting from such unions would
then be reared by the state to guarantee loyalty to it rather than to the
family. Censorship of the arts would be
necessary so as to encourage right thinking and behaviour. Rulers and Auxiliaries would not be allowed
to have any private property; all their basic needs would be provided for by
the citizens. Plato also sketched out a
training programme for potential Rulers. Literary education was to be followed by a period of physical training (to
develop courage and temperance) and then a rigorous course of study of mathematics
and philosophy culminating in dialectic to be completed at about the age of
thirty so as to develop wisdom and virtue. (The ideal of mens sana in corpore
sano would thus seem to have originated with Plato.) Not all children would prove capable of
completing such a programme. In his
'Foundation Myth' [4l4-5] Plato seems to have supposed that potential is a
matter of 'nature' rather than 'nurture'; children are fashioned by the gods
with gold, silver, or iron and copper in their composition, only the golden child having the capacity to
become a Ruler. However, he provides for
what we would call 'streaming': a child
can be promoted or demoted from one class to another as its abilities are
revealed in the course of the education process. In this way the state as a whole will
benefit.
Having set out in some detail his
conception of the 'perfect' aristocracy, which he thinks could evolve, albeit
with difficulty, from the Athenian society in which he lived, Plato examines a
number of 'imperfect' societies to show how and to what extent they fall short
of the ideal [543-76]. (l) Timocracy (rule by 'men of honour') comes
about when the 'spirited' element takes
control of reason. The Auxiliaries
displace the genuine Rulers; self-assertiveness and personal ambition
predominate; war becomes the norm in such a society. (2) Oligarchy (government by the rich). This devolves from the timocracy as a result
of greed and the accumulation of wealth by a minority, on which political power
depends. There are only two
classes: rich and poor (many of whom
become criminals). (3) Democracy (rule
by the people). Such a society is not
democratic in most modern senses. It
arises when the deprived underclass overthrows the oligarchs and takes control,
regardless of their own fitness to rule. The people (polloi) are
supposedly free but act on ephemeral impulses in their quest for pleasure. Democracies thus lack cohesion and respect
for authority and the law, and tend to anarchy. (4) Finally society lapses into Tyranny. After often protracted struggles between the rich minority and the
'masses', the latter look for a popular leader. However, although starting out as a democrat, he gives in to a master
passion, for example, lust, absolute power, and becomes a tyrant.
PHILOSOPHY OF ART
[15] It would
seem from what he wrote in the Republic that Plato had a relatively poor opinion of imitative art [a]. Nevertheless he did regard the Form of Beauty together with the Forms of Truth and
Goodness as a manifestation of the One [b]. It is also the only Form accessible by the
senses [Phaedrus 250] and thus is
particularly effective in awakening recollection. Works of art (painting, music, literature)
therefore provide us with at least the first step on the way to knowledge of
the Beautiful. And, as we have seen,
they have an educative and moral function in Plato's ideal society. They also enable citizens to express their
imaginative and creative urges and provide innocent and pleasurable
diversion. [This is discussed further in The Laws.] The giving of pleasure, however, is not the
test of the quality of art. (Indeed he is critical of, in
particular, tragic drama in so far as it stimulates the emotions, such as pity
and fear, thereby threatening the rational 'part' of the soul [c] ). A genuine work of
art has worth to the extent that it imitates symbolically (via the natural objects
it may depict) the relevant Form, and hence Beauty itself, though as an
'imitation' or copy it is of course at two removes from the real.
CRITICAL SUMMARY
In the thought of Plato and
his pupil Aristotle Greek philosophy achieved its highest and most perfect
expression. However, this is not to say
that their approaches and solutions to a wide range of problems are immune from
criticism. In Plato's case the kinds of
difficulties commentators have drawn attention to over the years to the present
day are probably an inevitable consequence of several general characteristics
of his thought.
Firstly, Plato sought to
reconcile and indeed achieve a synthesis of the main positions adopted by the
Presocratics on a wide variety of issues. Thus he tackled the problems of permanence and change, the one and the
many, the real and the illusory; he speculated about the soul (or mind) and the
body; and in his writings on both epistemology and ethics, building on the
pioneering work of his predecessor Socrates, he attacked relativism, arguing
for an 'objectivist' account of knowledge and virtue; while in his political
philosophy we may see at least an implicit attempt to balance the needs of the
individual against the requirements of the 'ideal' state. His methods of argumentation too drew on the
techniques developed by Eleatic dialecticians as well as Socrates.
Secondly, Plato was a 'visionary',
idealistic, even 'other-worldly' thinker. For his the purpose of human existence is to be found in communion with
the eternal, immutable, perfectly real Forms culminating in an intellectual
intuition of the one, in which wisdom and virtue coincide. He saw it as the primary function of
philosophy to make this possible and of the 'philosopher-kings', the Rulers
to impart this wisdom to the community.
Thirdly, his aim, it would seem, was to
achieve a final system or world-view. Certainly we find in his writings a high degree of integration and
interdependency between the various branches of philosophy theory of
knowledge, metaphysics, 'psychology', ethics, political philosophy. But such a
system was never realized; his thought remained in flux, incomplete, subject to
refinement and revision under his persistent questioning of his own assumptions
and arguments.
The following are some of the important
critical issues:
(1) The 'two-worlds'. Plato was never fully clear as to what things
'have' Forms; and he did not satisfactorily resolve the problem of how changing
sensible individual things relate to the eternal and immutable Forms. He tended also to have a somewhat negative
attitude to the material world; while the status of the 'One' remains
ambiguous.
(2) Theory of Knowledge. Despite his best efforts there is an
unresolved tension between Plato's view that knowledge and belief are to be
distinguished by reference to different 'states of mind' and his (arguably)
more mature view that knowledge is justified true belief, or opinion plus some
'account'. His theory as to how knowledge
is acquired is also open to attack, particularly from philosophers of a more
empiricist persuasion.
(3) The soul. Plato's arguments for the soul's existence or for its immortality are
problematical. Both his 'dualistic'
account and his tripartite distinction are likewise subject to difficulties. It is not clear whether the soul actually has
different 'parts' rather than 'functions'; and if the latter whether this is
consistent with the possibility of the soul's survival after the cessation of
bodily activity. Furthermore, his
proposed solution to the problem of weakness of will, in the light of his
supposition that one's knowledge of the Good is a sufficient guarantee that one
will act rightly, has been generally regarded as inadequate.
(4) Philosophy of Nature/cosmology. It is debatable how far Plato's account is
philosophical rather than mythopoeic. There is much uncertainty about the relationship between the 'One' and
'God' or the Demiurge. His views on the
nature of time have also been criticized by later thinkers.
(5) Ethics and political philosophy. While Plato's ethics are teleological they
are also grounded in his psychological, epistemological, and metaphysical
assumptions as indeed is the structure of his 'ideal' state. The Republic has aroused the ire of many critics situated on both the 'left' and the 'right'
of the political spectrum. He has been
accused of being, for example, elitist, totalitarian, paternalist,
communitarian at the expense of the individual, and anti-feminist. But many of these criticisms have perhaps failed
to take sufficient cognisance of the socio-political or general cultural milieu
in which he was philosophizing.
(6) Philosophy of art. Although no doubt much approved of by both
Marxists and fascists, Plato's enlisting of the arts for propaganda purposes
tends to support the view that, perhaps because of his metaphysical and ethical
standpoints, he seems to have overlooked the importance of aesthetic experience
as having any value in itself. Nevertheless, it is clear that he was by no means lacking an aesthetic
sense.
Despite such alleged weaknesses, the
greatness of Plato's philosophy is
undeniable. He was profoundly
influential on Aristotle and the post-Aristotelians, and later during the
early middle ages and the Renaissance. His influence may be detected also in some of the metaphysical and
analytical tendencies of early twentieth century English philosophy, and in
German hermeneutics. His negative or
'other-worldly' predilections have been seen by many as a positive feature; and
he remains the supreme model for all those who would reject relativism and look
for absolute standards of truth, goodness, and beauty.
Plato: Individual dialogues are
available in a variety of editions by different translators. See especially R. Waterfield's editions of
the Theaetetus and the Republic. Most of the other principal dialogues are
also available in Penguin editions. There is also a Loeb edition in twelve
volumes. However, for convenience the
edition of Plato's works edited by J. Cooper: Plato: Complete Works is
recommended. (As a bare minimum one
should read Protagoras, Meno, Phaedo, Republic, Phaedrus, Parmenides, Theaetetus, Sophist, and Timaeus.)
Studies:
Introductory
G. C.
Field, The Philosophy of Plato.
G. M. A.
Grube, Plato's Thought.
R. M.
Hare, Plato.
Advanced
I. M.
Crombie, An Examination of Plato's
Doctrines, 2 vols.
J. C. B.
Gosling, Plato.
T. H. Irwin, Plato's Ethics.
A.
Silverman, The Dialectic of Essence: A Study of Plato's Metaphysics.
Collections of essays
R. E.
Allen (ed.), Studies in Plato's Metaphysics.
G. Fine
(ed.), Plato One: Metaphysics and Epistemology; Plato Two: Ethics, Politics, Religion and the Soul.
R. Kraut
(ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Plato.
G.
Vlastos (ed.), Plato i: Metaphysics and Epistemology; ii:
Ethics, Politics, and Philosophy of Art and Religion.
CONNECTIONS
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