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Philosophical Connections
Compiled by Anthony Harrison-Barbet
BENTHAM
(1748 1832)
PSYCHOLOGICAL
HEDONISM/
UTILITARIANISM
Jeremy Bentham, the
son of a lawyer, was born in Houndsditch, London. He was educated at Westminster School, Queen's College, Oxford, and Lincoln's
Inn. Although he was called to the Bar
in 1772 he did not practise law to any great extent, preferring to study
science and politics and to write. From
1785 he travelled widely in Europe. He
left his body to be dissected after his death; it remains on show in University College, London.
ETHICS/ POLITICAL PHILOSOPHY
[1] According to Bentham people are motivated primarily
by desire for their own individual pleasure and aversion to pain, both of which terms he understands in their
everyday senses. (He allows that they may differ in quality but
denies that 'higher' pleasures may be better than 'lower' ones.) He says
further that they underlie
what we call respectively right and wrong [a]: they determine what we ought or ought not
do. However, despite their intrinsic selfishness, men are
capable of social affections such as benevolence. This leads to his formulation of the principle of utility: the greatest happiness of all those whose
interest is in question is the only right and proper, and universally desirable
end of human action [Introduction
to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, ch. I, i] [b]. By 'utility' he means:
any
property in an object, whereby it
tends to produce benefit, advantage, pleasure, good or happiness, or... to prevent the happening of mischief, pain,
evil or unhappiness to the party whose interest is considered. [I, iii.]
Bentham argues that there
is no other ultimate moral standard; all theories of morals in the last
analysis rest on or appeal to the principle of utility. He therefore rejected moral sense, social contract, and natural law
theories, and also the concept of natural rights [c]. The question then arises how, in deciding
whether or not to act in a particular way, an individual is able to know if his
behaviour will lead to pleasure or pain, or indeed determine how much of each
will result. Bentham accordingly
proposes his 'felicific calculus' of hedonism, and suggests seven factors for
estimating the degree of pleasure or pain: intensity, duration; certainty or
uncertainty; propinquity (nearness) or remoteness; fecundity, purity, number of people
affected [ch. IV]. By 'fecundity' he is
thinking of the extent to which a pleasure-producing action tends to be
followed by further pleasurable
sensations; while 'purity' refers to
the freedom a sensation has from being followed by one of the opposite
type. The number of people affected by
the pleasure or pain is clearly central, because Bentham's theory relates not
just to the individual in isolation but to the common good. Bentham accepts that individuals
left to themselves will not always behave rationally in a way which will both increase their happiness and
add to the totality of happiness of the
community. To avoid conflicts between
the individuals who compose "the fictitious body" (the community) a government must legislate to
encourage people's positive social affections (such as benevolence) and
discourage their inherently selfish tendencies, with a view to harmonizing
individual interests to the benefit of the community as a whole [I,
iv]. To the extent that public utility is thereby promoted by
the following of laws justice is achieved and manifested [d]. Such harmonization involves
essentially the concept of negative freedom [e] the
removal of hindrances rather than the promoting of, say, self-development. In the same way Bentham sees the primary purpose of punishment as deterrence rather than reform [f], provided it is consistent with the
avoidance of excessive pain. In itself
punishment is a necessary evil [XIII]. As for the nature of government, since monarchist or aristocratic
constitutions tend to be self-interested, Bentham argues that the best government to maximize
happiness is most likely to be
one in which there is the greatest participation by the people, that is, some form of democracy [g].
CRITICAL SUMMARY
While not the originator of the concept of utility, Bentham is important for his
powerful synthesis and formulation of utilitarian ethics. He is noteworthy also for his radical views
about participatory democracy and for
his attacks on non-elected institutions. By comparison with later utilitarian thinkers Bentham's views are
arguably crude or incompletely worked out. For example, he has perhaps not sufficiently considered how his
'felicific' calculus can be applied. Do
pleasures and pains admit of being mathematically quantified? Is this a satisfactory basis for
ethics? He seems also not to have appreciated the difficulties in predicting
consequences. Nor has he taken account
of a possible role for intention as an element in moral judgement. Indeed his hedonist account of individual
human motivation might be supposed to be limited reflected perhaps in his
view that positive social affections need to be encouraged by government. His concept of community is somewhat abstract and mechanical. And his emphasis on negative freedom
suggests he has little recognition of any place to be accorded to, for example,
self-development. Nevertheless, for all the weaknesses and
omissions in his philosophy, as a key figure in the utilitarian and liberal
tradition he cannot be disregarded.
Bentham: [of many writings] Introduction to the Principles of Morals and
Legislation (1789), ed. J.H. Burns and H.L.A. Hart. There is a selection from his writings ed.
A. Ryan.
Studies
R.
Harrison, Bentham.
J. Plamenatz, The English Utilitarians (ch. 4).
CONNECTIONS
Bentham
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